The local government system in Nigeria, a colonial heritage, enjoys the favour of Section 7 of 1999 Constitution as third tier of government. The system was conceived with a mindset that rural development ought to be the concern of every responsible and responsive political system since development does not make sense if it does not positively affect the lives of those in the periphery of decision making system.
To make it effective, the system has been subject of frequent reforms in name, structure and composition all to no avail. Within the second quarter of the 20th century for instance, local government was known as chief-in-council and chief-and-council where traditional rulers were given pride of place in the scheme of things. In the 1950s, various reforms such as the Northern Nigerian local government law of 1954, the Western and Eastern Nigerian local government laws of 1954 respectively aimed at democratizing local government administration were initiated by the various regional governments. The reforms brought some measure of autonomy in personnel, financial and general administration which made the system very participatory in Nigeria. The reforms had their defects. The regions had strong grip of the control of local government for varying political reasons; and with heterogeneity as hallmark the level of development was also remarkably different.
The most progressive and revolutionary reforms came in 1976 under the military administration of General Obasanjo. The reform stimulated self-government, encouraged initiative and leadership potential and brought in multi-purpose single-tier system and uniformity in the system’s administrative structure. It stipulated a population criterion under which a local government could be created with a population of within 150,000 to 800,000 as feasible for a local government. The 1976 Guidelines made provision for elective positions having the chairmen as executive head of local government with supervisory councilors constituting the cabinet. This was complemented by the bureaucrats and professionals who were charged with the responsibility of implementing policies.
In 1991, a major landmark reform brought the legislative arm into the system. In addition, the Babangida administration increased the number of local government from 301 in 1976 to 453 in 1989 and 589 in 1991. The Abacha regime also increased the number to 774 local councils that we have today as the administrative structure also underwent some changes. Ironically, the system fared better in the military era than the current democratic dispensation due to manipulations of various state administrations and ill-performances of their cronies imposed on the people as chairmen. For instance, in Ekiti state, the tenure of elected local government officials was reduced to two years. While some retained it to reflect three years, in the southwest, except in Lagos, a caretaker committee was introduced in 2003 immediately after the general elections. In Ebonyi State, the feud over local government joint account system had pitched former Governor Sam Egwu against a former Ebonyi Local Council chieftain, Adol Awam in what later turned to total political showdown and birth of ‘Abuja Group’ faction. At various times, some state governments unconstitutionally dissolved their local councils and appointed caretaker committee to steer the affairs of the council pending the conduct of elections.
To hijack allocations meant for the system and run away from constitutional puzzle, ‘Development Centre System’- a siphoning symbol was created as an illegal fourth tier of government recognized only by the state. The creation has perpetuated the joint account system; and with more political appointees in grass-root level scrambling for their own share of national cake, the hope of reforming the system has been further contracted. Despite the increase in the total amount of funds available to local government in recent times, its performance profile is very poor as those who manage to pay their workers pride themselves as the best performing councils.
This low performance is also not unconnected with the mismanagement and embezzlement of these funds by the local council officials. With governance reduced to sharing of bags of rice to widows, taking rural children to state parties like ‘Father Christmas Show’, hosting the wife of the state chief executive, our local governments now spell disgust. In Ebonyi State for instance, local government chief executives and development centre coordinators own most of the biggest mansions in Abakaliki with state-of-the-art facilities. The third tier of government whose objective is to ensure effective, measurable and efficient service delivery to the people has become oppressive structure standing in-between the people and the central government.
To this end, the on-going 1999 constitutional amendment offers an opportunity to reposition the system for efficient service delivery. Nigerians have been united in canvassing for sustainability of local government autonomy anchored on improved revenue base, adherence to constitutional provisions, political stability, accountability and transparency in governance. In response to people’s wish, the Senate Committee on Constitution Review (CRC) had provided Internet-based opinion poll on autonomy of local government in the 1999 Constitution. Unfortunately, less than 48 hours after governors of the 36 states vowed to oppose it, the Committee cancelled the poll on the grounds that some unscrupulous citizens had introduced alien issues that were not on the constitution amendment agenda. According to Innocent Mebiri, clerk to the Senator Ike Ekweremadu-led CRC, “There is currently a text message circulating around the country which claims that the Senate is presently voting on a Bill aimed at carving out some large portions of land in certain parts of the country as grazing reserves for the Fulani. The text message therefore invites Nigerians to send ‘NO’ response to 20052 which is the same short code being used by the committee to poll the opinion of Nigerians on issues in the constitution review.’
This unpatriotic move by Governors to oppose a reform that will make local government effective partners in governance is simply unfortunate and is postponing development. With governors frequently interfering in the autonomy of local government and the local council chiefs looting the remaining fund, the entire system is perpetually locked up in cesspool of corruption. If not that abuse does not negate use, most of us would have suggested that Nigerians do away with local government system.
