The struggle for freedom and democracy in Africa has been long and arduous. But the continent is nowhere near its destination. At every stage in Africa’s history, leaders, who have sprang up from the masses, have always made democracy their rallying call and demanded its establishment. But after it has been established the same leaders will spurn democracy as ‘alien’ and a ‘luxury’ that cannot meet Africa’s reality.
Under the guise of reform, the emerging leaders empanel a fawning coterie of sycophants to write their constitution, appoint cronies to the position and hold back elections to return themselves to power. Others adopt constitutional term limits and then deviously repeal them. They then groom their sons, wives, and other relatives- to succeed them. As a result of this vexation chicanery, willful deception and strong-arm tactics, Africa’s democratization process has well and truly stalled. But if latest twist in Arab Spring as it concerns Mursi’s ouster has taught us a lesson, it is simple- no leader should take his people for granted.
The Arab Spring was sparked by a 27-year-old unemployed Tunisian university graduate called Mohamed Bouazizi in 2011. The rest is now history but suffice it to say that the outcome has become disconcertingly similar to those of Africa’s village revolutions of early 90s. Expectedly, the reform movements have been hijacked by conservative elements.
When Egyptians revolted against ousted President Mubarak’s 30-year rule, they demanded bread, dignity and freedom. When he was elected as the first democratically chosen in June, 2012, Egypt’s Islamist President, Mohammed Mursi, spoke directly to simple Egyptian citizens including farmers, labourers and supporters of the revolutions which eventually brought him to power, and he vowed never to let down any of their expectations. Though Egyptians expressed their confidence in their new leader, they could not vacate the Tahrir Square without leaving a clear message, promising to return to the Square should the Morsi government fail to live up to expectations.
Curiously, Mursi, on assumption of office vowed not to relinquish any of his presidential powers. Within a short period, he proved himself a political opportunist never missing any moment to build up his power. He capitalized on embarrassing moment for Egypt’s military after 16 soldiers were killed in an attack on Sinai earlier in September 2012, to purge the army of its two leading officials, Field Marshal Mohammed Hussein Tantawi and Lieutenant General Sami Anan. Forcing both strong men into retirement, the president went ahead to unilaterally annul the military’s June constitutional declaration, thereby giving himself sweeping legislative and executive powers. That was not all. In what many considered a soft coup, Mursi’s unprecedented military reshuffle saw him bring several Islamists and members of the old government into his new cabinet. He assigned two key posts- the ministries of education and information- to the Muslim Brotherhood.
With time, activists started expressing worries why commoners who brought him to power were not consulted on major issues affecting their lives. There were industrial actions by labour movements but in each case prominent members of ‘Brotherhood’ will respond arrogantly brushing striking workers off as agents of old-regime who want to mar the president’s reputation. There were press crackdowns on journalists who at various instances, were accused of defaming the president and charged to court.
Next, he moved to the judiciary after the Supreme Constitutional Court overturned his decision to revive the Islamist-dominated parliament, the only body elected by the people. The court had previously ruled that members of the parliament were elected unconstitutionally prompting the then ruling military council to quickly dissolve them. By appointing a reformist judge, Ahmed Mekky as the minister for justice, and his younger brother, Mahmoud Mekky as the new vice-president, his judicial intention became apparent.
Like it happened to his predecessor, Hosni Mubarak, Mursi underrated the people’s power as he refused to accede to any of their demands until the military gave his administration up till that Wednesday July 3, 2013, to resolve the logjam. On that Wednesday night, Mursi tumbled and succumbed to the same people’s power that threw him up as president when the army, at about 7p.m. Egyptian time, sacked his government and appointed Adly Mansour, the Chief Justice of the Supreme Constitutional Court to act as president until new elections are held. He has gone down in history as the first democratically elected president to be overthrown in Egypt. The protest of his supporters could not return him to power instead, on Monday, July 8, 51 of his supporters were killed in a clash with the military.
There are multiple bring-home lessons from Egypt revolutions. Leaders for once should not underrate the power of their followers. There comes a time in people’s lives where bottled up anger is let out to wreck havoc. In our clime, we are used to instances where government derogatorily mocks its citizens insisting on their rights and privileges. Government policies are enforced with military fiat and in a public relations manner that is insulting to the people whose interest government ought to represent.
At various times, government has, besides labeling striking workers as enemies of the party, threatened them with ‘no-work-no-pay’ policy. In majority of the cases, these threats have been followed forcing hunger on the people till they succumbed to government’s stand. Forcing people to relinquish their rights and privilege simply because one has the arsenal to do it is inviting mass anger in the near future. There comes a time when people no longer contain oppression.
Nigerian politicians are known for using people and dumping them at the end. As soon as elections are over, party boys are sent back to their recruitment ground and poor rural supporters are asked to return to their former trade with no leverages. What people forget is that he who is instrumental to their ascendancy to power can also contribute to their ouster. Some leaders delude themselves as indisplaceable. This was the mistake of Mursi and Mubarak.
What has become a norm in Africa is that as soon as a leader is elected, he or she declares the masses public enemies of his government. When the masses cry for bread, better pay package, they are brushed aside as political opponents. If they persist, a section is bracketed off and pushed out of benefits of office as long as the regime lasts. A good leader ought not to be highhanded or discriminatory. Democracy can endure only when it is bigger than narrow interest, when it does not betray people’s sense of worth and expectation. A good leader should not take his people for granted. If he does, popular power will humiliate him like it did to Mursi.
